https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/issue/feedZamfara Journal of Politics and Development2026-10-19T21:26:17+00:00Abdulrahman Adamuzjpadfugus@gmail.comOpen Journal Systems<p><strong>Zamfara Journal of Politics and Development </strong>is a Bi-annual double-blind peer-reviewed and research driven journal devoted to providing intellectual platform for the dissemination of empirical and critical research in the areas of Political Science, Political Theory, Political Economy, Development Studies, Comparative Politics, Public Policy, International Relations, Security and Strategic Studies and other related areas. The Journal is a Publication of the Department of Political Science, Federal University Gusau, Zamfara State, Nigeria.</p>https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/352DIASPORA DIPLOMACY: EVALUATING THE INFLUENCE OF NIGERIAN DIASPORA COMMUNITIES IN THE UNITED KINGDOM ON BILATERAL RELATIONS2026-10-19T19:12:38+00:00Sulaiman Ibrahim Richifa (PhD)suleiman.richifa@kasu.edu.ng<p><em>This article evaluates how Nigerian diaspora communities in the United Kingdom influence UK–Nigeria bilateral relations between 2015 and 2025. Diaspora diplomacy is understood as the organized political, economic, cultural and institutional activity through which overseas communities seek to shape relations between their country of origin and country of residence. The study uses a qualitative documentary design and analyses recent official statistics, bilateral policy documents, institutional reports and scholarly literature. Evidence was selected for direct relevance to Nigerian diaspora activity, UK–Nigeria relations and the 2015–2025 period; older works were retained only where they provide foundational theoretical concepts. The evidence shows a sizeable and increasingly institutionalized transnational constituency: 270,768 residents of England and Wales reported Nigeria as their country of birth in the 2021 Census, compared with 191,183 in 2011. Nigeria also received US$20.1 billion in remittances in 2022 and US$20.93 billion in personal remittances in 2024, although these totals are global and cannot be attributed exclusively to the UK. Bilaterally, the 2024 Enhanced Trade and Investment Partnership explicitly recognizes an entrepreneurial diaspora and provides for contact between diaspora populations and private-sector groups, while the 2024 Nigeria–UK Strategic Partnership identifies diaspora resources and people-to-people links as a formal area of cooperation. The article finds that diaspora influence is strongest when economic, professional and cultural networks are connected to formal institutions. Political and digital advocacy can shape agendas, but evidence of direct policy causation is more limited. The study concludes that Nigerian diaspora diplomacy has measurable relevance to bilateral relations but requires stronger coordination, institutional access and evidence-based engagement.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/353AN EXPLORATION OF THE BILATERAL TRADE RELATION BETWEEN NIGERIA AND SOUTH AFRICA IN THE WAKE OF POLITICS OF XENOPHOBIA 2026-10-19T19:17:52+00:00Suleiman Mohammed Evutieditor@zjpd.com.ng<p><em>This study explored the complex dynamics of bilateral trade relations between Nigeria and South Africa within the context of recurring xenophobic tensions. While both countries represent Africa’s largest economies with significant mutual trade interests, their relationship has been periodically strained by outbreaks of xenophobic violence in South Africa, often targeting Nigerian nationals. This research investigates the extent to which such socio-political tensions influence bilateral trade flows, diplomatic engagements, and policy responses between the two nations. Using a political economy approach that combines trade data analysis, policy review, the study revealed that while trade volume remains relatively resilient, the atmosphere of mistrust and public sentiment has led to calls for trade boycotts, disrupted business operations, and weakened regional cooperation frameworks such as the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The paper concludes with recommendations for depoliticizing trade relations, strengthening diplomatic channels, and adopting proactive measures to address xenophobia as a barrier to sustainable intra-African trade.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/354IMPACT OF NIGERIA’S NATIONAL CYBERSECURITY POLICY ON REGIONAL SECURITY COOPERATION IN WEST AFRICA2026-10-19T19:21:33+00:00Falusi Hakeem Oladapo dapofalusi78@gmail.comEugene T. Aliegba dapofalusi78@gmail.comAtsiya Godiya Pius dapofalusi78@gmail.com<p><em>Cybersecurity threats have become a serious security challenge in West Africa, characterised by increasing transborder crime, weak institutional coordination, and fragmented national responses that weakens collective regional security efforts, with Nigeria playing fundamental roles as the region’s largest digital economy yet facing persistent gaps in harmonising cybersecurity governance with ECOWAS partners. To this end, this study examines the impact of Nigeria’s National Cybersecurity Policy on regional security cooperation in West Africa. The study is anchored on regional security complex theory as its appropriate framework of analysis. A sample size of 204 respondents was drawn from a population of 435 comprising selected departments of the FMoC, ONSA, NCC, NITDA, NPF, EFCC, and ECOWAS Commission, Abuja, using the Krejcie and Morgan statistical formula. The study utilised survey research design, using questionnaires to collect data. Quantitative data obtained from the questionnaires were analysed using simple percentages, while qualitative data obtained from secondary sources were analysed through content analysis. Finding from the study shows that Nigeria’s cybersecurity policy is strongly aligned with ECOWAS cybersecurity frameworks at conceptual and cooperative levels, particularly in information sharing and capacity building, although enforcement remains weak and inconsistent across institutions. The study equally discovers that the policy has improved intelligence exchange and facilitated more coordinated responses to cyber incidents across West Africa, but its broader regional effect is constrained by weak enforcement mechanisms, inadequate early warning systems, and limited legal harmonisation among member states. The study recommends that Nigeria should strengthen enforcement mechanisms by translating its strong conceptual alignment with ECOWAS cybersecurity frameworks into operational and legally binding actions across all relevant institutions, and deepen regional security cooperation by enhancing the effectiveness of its National Cybersecurity Policy through improved early warning systems and stronger institutional coordination within West Africa region.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/355KEYNESIAN ECONOMICS IN TIMES OF CRISIS: LESSONS FOR TODAY'S POLICY MAKERS2026-10-19T19:29:11+00:00Basiru AhmadRfbahmad@gmail.comSuleiman Muhammadsulenairazkk@gmail.com<p><em>This paper explores the significant contributions of John Maynard Keynes to political economic thought, particularly his role in shaping Keynesian economics as a response to classical economic theories that advocated for minimal government intervention. It highlights Keynes's emphasis on active government involvement in promoting full employment, social welfare, and economic stability, particularly during periods of recession. By introducing concepts such as deficit spending and the importance of aggregate demand, Keynes challenged the prevailing notions of self-regulating markets. The analysis also critically examines the limitations of Keynesian doctrines, including concerns about inflation, public debt, and the short-term focus of his policies. In response, the research offers recommendations to enhance the applicability of Keynesian principles in contemporary society. These recommendations include integrating supply-side perspectives, adopting sustainable fiscal policies, addressing income inequality, and fostering public-private partnerships to stimulate innovation and economic growth. Through this exploration, the study argues for a balanced approach that combines Keynesian insights with modern economic realities, ensuring that Keynesian economics remains a relevant and effective framework for addressing today’s complex economic challenges.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/356INFLUENCE OF X ON YOUTH POLITICAL MOBILIZATION IN NIGERIA DURING 2023 GENERAL ELECTIONS2026-10-19T19:34:19+00:00John Okpanachieditor@zjpd.com.ngKamar Hamzaeditor@zjpd.com.ng<p><em>The emergence of X (formerly Twitter) has significantly transformed political communication and youth political mobilization across democratic societies, particularly in developing democracies such as Nigeria. During Nigeria's 2023 general elections, the platform became a major arena through which young people accessed political information, participated in public debates, coordinated campaign activities, mobilized voters, and interacted with political actors in real time. This paper examines the influence of X on youth political mobilization during the 2023 general elections in Nigeria. Anchored on the public sphere theory, agenda-setting theory, and networked publics theory, the study explains how digital conversations, campaign communication, civic education, online activism, and networked interactions shaped political participation among Nigerian youths before, during, and after the elections. The study relies on existing scholarly literature and documented online political activities associated with the 2023 elections, including the digital campaigns of the Obidient Movement, the All Progressives Congress (APC), and other political actors. Findings indicate that X significantly enhanced political awareness, voter education, campaign mobilization, political participation, and public engagement by providing young Nigerians with an accessible platform for political expression and collective action. At the same time, the platform facilitated the rapid circulation of misinformation, political polarization, hate speech, coordinated propaganda, and competing narratives that occasionally undermined informed democratic deliberation. The paper concludes that although X has strengthened youth political mobilization and expanded democratic participation, its long-term democratic contribution depends on improved digital literacy, responsible political communication, stronger institutional engagement, and effective electoral information management by relevant stakeholders.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/357APPRAISAL OF POLITICAL LEADERSHIP CRISIS AND GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: A STUDY OF KADUNA STATE (2015-2023)2026-10-19T19:39:11+00:00Abdulkadir Baba Abubakar, PhDabdul260f@yahoo.comMohammed Mohammed Haruna, PhDmsquare001@gmail.com<p><em>Political leadership crisis has remained a persistent challenge to effective governance and national development in Nigeria since the return of democratic rule in 1999. The crisis manifests in the form of godfatherism, electoral violence, corruption, lack of accountability, policy inconsistency and weak institutions all of which undermine the capacity of government to deliver democratic dividends to citizens. This study appraises the political leadership crisis and governance in Nigeria with specific focus on Kaduna State from 2015 to 2023. The study relied on both primary and secondary data. The findings reveal that political leadership crisis in Kaduna State is driven by monetization of politics, weak internal party democracy, godfatherism and the personalization of power. The study concludes that political leadership crisis remains a major impediment to good governance and sustainable development in Kaduna State. It recommends the strengthening of democratic institutions, electoral and party reforms, and promotion of accountability, transparent and political education to foster responsible leadership.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/358AFRICAN UNION AND HUMAN RIGHTS DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA2026-10-19T19:43:49+00:00Ismaila A. Danjumaismadan2006@gmail.comMuhammad Shehumshehuamb@gmail.com<p><em>This study examines the role of the African Union (AU) in the development and promotion of human rights in Nigeria, with particular attention to the institutional, normative and practical mechanisms through which the continental organisation influences human rights protection. The study is premised on the problem that, despite Nigeria’s commitment to regional and international human rights instruments, persistent challenges including insecurity, unlawful killings, discrimination, restrictions on civic freedoms, displacement and weak accountability mechanisms continue to affect the effective enjoyment of human rights. The study adopts a qualitative research methodology, relying primarily on secondary data obtained from AU legal instruments, policy documents, reports of relevant Nigerian institutions, scholarly publications, books and credible international human rights reports. The study is anchored on human rights theory, which provides a framework for examining the principles, institutions and obligations underpinning the protection and advancement of human dignity. Findings indicate that the AU has contributed to human rights development in Nigeria through the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, regional monitoring mechanisms, normative standards, diplomatic engagement and the work of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights. However, the effectiveness of these mechanisms is constrained by limited enforcement capacity, gaps between regional commitments and domestic implementation, institutional weaknesses and inadequate accountability. The study concludes that AU–Nigeria human rights engagement remains significant but requires stronger implementation mechanisms. It recommends enhanced domestic incorporation and enforcement of AU human rights standards, improved cooperation between Nigerian institutions and AU bodies, strengthened monitoring and accountability mechanisms, and greater support for civil society and human rights institutions.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/359ASSESSMENT OF FACTORS INFLUENCING THE ADOPTION OF SUSTAINABLE PROCUREMENT PRACTICES IN THE NIGERIAN PRIVATE SECTOR 2026-10-19T19:48:05+00:00Ewah Gabriel Osa. Ph.D.ewahgabriel0@gmail.comTolufashe Stephen Afololabistevesucess2010@yahoo.comHauwa AbdullahiHaxie74@gmail.comMunkailu Mohammed Faruk munkailumohammed@nitt.gov.ngNichola Obange Bisongnicholasbisong@gmail.com<p><em>This study assesses factors influencing the adoption of sustainable procurement practices in the Nigerian private sector. The study x-rayed the strategic functions that can greatly impact organisational performance, competitiveness, and sustainability. The study is grounded in two complementary management theories: the Resource-Based View (RBV) and stakeholder theory for its analysis. The study uses both quantitative and qualitative methods for data generation and analysis. This was derived from both secondary and primary sources, which include existing documents on the subject matter. The qualitative data were analysed descriptively, while simple statistical tools were used to analyse the quantitative data. Accordingly, the study used Yamane's published table for the calculation of a sample size for a given combination of precision, confidence levels, and variability. Furthermore, the study adopted descriptive statistics to clarify what is occurring in sustainable procurement practices, while multiple regressions elucidates why it is happening and which factors are most significant. This integrated approach enhances the rigour, reliability, and policy relevance of the research outcomes. The study discovered that Strategic Perception and Adoption (H1), and the regression results confirm that managerial perception of sustainability as a profit-driver is a significant positive predictor of sustainable procurement adoption (β = 0.230, p < 0.01). This validates the Resource-Based View (RBV), demonstrating that internal managerial mindset and cognitive framing serve as vital organisational capabilities that encourage firms to move beyond traditional cost-cutting models. The study recommends that companies ought to allocate resources towards managerial education, technical skills, and the exchange of knowledge to enhance their capacity for implementing sustainable procurement practices. This involves training procurement staff in areas such as life-cycle costing, evaluating suppliers, and sourcing environmentally friendly products.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/360CORRUPTION AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: AN ANALYSIS OF THE LEGISLATIVE INSTITUTION2026-10-19T19:54:44+00:00Dogara Shehushehu.dogara@adelekeuniversity.edu.ngHassan Inuwa Garbahassan.inuwa@fulokoja.edu.ng<p><em>Corruption is a major obstacle to democratic governance in Nigeria because it weakens the efficacy and credibility of key democratic institutions, particularly the legislature. The legislature is responsible for lawmaking, representation and oversight of the executive, and as such plays a central role in promoting accountability, transparency and good governance. Its efficacy and public standing, however, have been damaged by allegations of bribery, budget manipulation, constituency project fraud, misuse of office and weak oversight. This study examines the manifestations of corruption within the Nigerian legislature, the legal actions taken against implicated legislators and the outcomes of those cases, and the implications of legislative corruption for democratic governance. It adopts a qualitative, desk-based approach in which documentary sources were analysed thematically. These sources include scholarly publications, government and court-related reports, media reports on specific cases, and survey and index data from Transparency International and Afrobarometer. The analysis shows that high-profile allegations against legislators have produced resignations and removals from office but very few convictions. Survey evidence indicates that most Nigerians perceive legislators as corrupt and place little trust in the National Assembly. The study concludes that stronger institutional accountability, transparent legislative processes, effective enforcement of anti-corruption laws, ethical leadership and active citizen participation are essential for improving democratic governance in Nigeria. It therefore recommends comprehensive legislative reforms and stronger oversight mechanisms.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/361ASSESSMENT OF PASTORALISTS’ RESPONSE AND RESILIENCE TO CATTLE RUSTLING IN SELECTED COMMUNITIES IN GUSAU, ZAMFARA STATE2026-10-19T19:59:24+00:00Ibrahim KadoKadoibrahim27@gmail.com<p><em>Cattle rustling is identified as a major security concern undermining animal production in Zamfara State. Emerging studies depict a more disturbing situation of rural banditry associated with cattle rustling that affect human security and livelihood. This study assessed the pastoralists’ response and adaptive mechanism to cattle rustling in selected communities in Gusau, Zamfara State. The study was conducted in five major settlements namely Damba, Kuraje, Sabon Gida, Kwana and Gidan Marake, Bulunku and Mareri. Two settlements (Kuraji and Bulunku) were purposely selected for data collection, due to the high prevalence of cattle rustling in these settlements. Qualitative approach to data collection and results synthesis was adopted for the research. Focus group discussions (FGDs) and key informant interviews were the instrument used for data collection. The study find reveals that pastoralists in the selected communities were forced to device ways/adoptive mechanism to cattle rustling which includes; transfer of the cattle to a new location in the early hours of the night, information sharing on the movement of the rustlers, negotiations with rustlers’ kingpins, migrations and reduction of livestock holdings among other measures</em>.<em> Conclusively, the pastoralists receive little or no attention from the government as they are left to fend for themselves against rustlers. </em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/362STRIKE ACTION AND ORGANIZATIONAL GOAL ACHIEVEMENT: EVIDENCE FROM THE OYO STATE WING OF THE NIGERIAN UNION OF TEACHERS2026-10-19T20:03:29+00:00Olumuyiwa Oladapo FASANMI, PhDfasanmi.olumuyiwa@bouesti.edu.ngSodeinde Gbemi MOSESfasanmi.olumuyiwa@bouesti.edu.ngAdewumi Felix DAREfasanmi.olumuyiwa@bouesti.edu.ngMonsur Olansile JIMOHfasanmi.olumuyiwa@bouesti.edu.ngOlabowale Adewumi ADEOLAfasanmi.olumuyiwa@bouesti.edu.ngYemisi Elizabeth AKINOLAfasanmi.olumuyiwa@bouesti.edu.ng<p><em>Strike action remains one of the major instruments of collective bargaining through which labour unions pursue improved members' welfare and organizational goals. This study investigated how strike action could affect organizational goal getting in the Oyo State Wing of the Nigerian Union of Teachers (NUT), with attention to members welfare and how well collective bargaining actually worked. A descriptive survey design was used, so in a way it was more like a broad snapshot rather than deep experimentation. The population was made up of registered NUT members, and from that group, 350 respondents were chosen through a multi stage sampling method. Data was collected through structured questionnaire. For analysis, the study employed descriptive statistics, Pearson Product Moment Correlation, and Multiple Regression Analysis, with SPSS at the 5% significance level. The findings show strike action had a strong, positive effect on members’ welfare. In particular, wide scale strike action (β = 0.590, p < 0.001) and economic strike action (β = 0.607, p < 0.001) significantly improved members welfare, and it seems the model accounted for 95.3% of the variation (R² = 0.953; F = 3083.885, p < 0.05). The study also points to a rather clear positive connection between strike action and collective bargaining effectiveness, (r = 0.774, p < 0.05) which in turn made the null hypotheses get rejected, both of them. So, overall, the study concludes that strike action still counts as a veritable tool for reaching organizational aims, especially because it betters members’ welfare and it strengthens collective bargaining effectiveness. It recommends putting dialogue and collective bargaining first, before strike action, then ensuring government implements the negotiated agreements promptly, to improve teachers’ welfare, and finally building tougher mechanisms for monitoring plus implementing those agreements so industrial harmony can stay steady and sustainable.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/363EMPLOYEE COMPENSATION PRACTICES, EMPLOYEE ENGAGEMENT AND INDIVIDUAL WORK PERFORMANCE AMONG EMPLOYEES OF SELECTED PRIVATE UNIVERSITIES IN SOUTH-WEST NIGERIA2026-10-19T20:16:58+00:00Olabode David OLATUNJIolabowale.adeola@fuoye.edu.ngOlabowale Adewumi ADEOLAolabowale.adeola@fuoye.edu.ngAdulrahaman MUHAMMEDolabowale.adeola@fuoye.edu.ngFelix Dare, ADEWUMIolabowale.adeola@fuoye.edu.ngYemisi Elizabeth AKINOLAolabowale.adeola@fuoye.edu.ng<p><em>This study examined the relationships among employee compensation practices, employee engagement and individual work performance among employees of selected private universities in South-West Nigeria. The study was motivated by the importance of appropriate compensation arrangements and employee engagement in supporting effective employee performance within the competitive private higher education environment. The study was anchored on equity theory and Kahn's theory of personal engagement. A cross-sectional survey research design was adopted. The population comprised 3,222 teaching and non-teaching staff of three selected private universities. A total of 250 questionnaires were distributed, of which 212 valid responses were obtained, representing an 84.8% response rate. Data were analysed using descriptive statistics, Pearson correlation and regression analysis. The findings revealed a positive and statistically significant relationship between employee compensation practices and employee engagement (β = .61, p < .001; R² = .37). Employee compensation practices also had a positive and statistically significant predictive association with individual work performance (β = .54, p < .001; R² = .29). Similarly, employee engagement was positively and significantly associated with individual work performance (β = .65, p < .001; R² = .42). The findings suggest that compensation practices and employee engagement are important variables associated with individual work performance within the sampled universities. Employee engagement also occupies an important intervening position in the conceptual relationship between compensation practices and performance. The study recommends that the sampled universities strengthen the fairness, competitiveness and transparency of compensation arrangements while simultaneously developing practices that support employee engagement.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/364CYBERSECURITY GOVERNANCE AND THE PROTECTION OF CRITICAL DATA INFRASTRUCTURE IN NIGERIA: A POLICY ANALYSIS OF INSTITUTIONAL CAPACITY AND REGIONAL HARMONIZATION2026-10-19T20:34:04+00:00Umar M umaikudi@ibbu.edu.ngAliyu Tanko umaikudi@ibbu.edu.ngMahmud Umar umaikudi@ibbu.edu.ng<p><em>Nigeria's digital economy has expanded faster than the regulatory apparatus built to secure it. This study examines how Nigeria's legal-institutional architecture for cyber-security coordinates across agencies, aligns with regional and continental instruments, and compares with peer states in West Africa and the wider continent. Institutional isomorphism and policy diffusion theory jointly frame the analysis, explaining why states converge on similar cyber-security structures under coercive, mimetic, and normative pressures, and why implementation nonetheless varies with domestic institutional capacity. The study adopts a qualitative, comparative, desk-based design, applying content analysis to primary legal instruments alongside secondary institutional and scholarly data. Three findings emerge; First, Nigeria's cyber-security architecture is legally dense but organizationally dispersed across at least six institutions, with coordination between them left to informal collaboration rather than binding protocols. Second, domestic instruments draw on globally recognized principles, yet Nigeria has not ratified the African Union's Malabo Convention, and sub-regional harmonization through ECOWAS stays underdeveloped. Third, the Global Cyber-security Index 2024 places Nigeria in Tier 3, combining near-maximum legal scores with persistent weakness in capacity building and cooperation relative to regional leaders such as Mauritius, Rwanda, Kenya, Ghana, and Tanzania. Nigeria's institutional fragmentation, rather than a shortage of legislation, accounts for this gap. The study recommends consolidating institutional coordination, ratifying continental instruments, and prioritizing sustained capacity-building investment over further legislation.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/365BANDITRY AND AGRICULTURAL LIVELIHOODS IN KATSINA STATE: AN EMPIRICAL ASSESSMENT OF JIBIA LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA, 2016–20242026-10-19T20:39:39+00:00Abdulrasheed Dalha, Ph.D.abdurrashiddalha@auk.edu.ngIsah Musa Yusuf, Ph.D.isah.yusuf@udusok.edu.ng<p><em>This study investigates the socioeconomic ramifications of rural banditry on agricultural productivity in Jibia Local Government Area (LGA) of Katsina State, Nigeria from 2016 to 2024. While existing scholarship predominantly emphasizes the humanitarian and physical security dimensions of the Northwest crisis, the micro-level political economy of food production systems remains under-researched. Grounded in Daniel Bell's Queer Ladder Theory (QLT), this article examines how armed criminality functions as an alternative mechanism for socioeconomic accumulation in an environment characterized by ungoverned borderlands and institutional fragility. Adopting a qualitative case study design, primary empirical data were generated through fourteen key informant and in-depth interviews with village heads, displaced farming household heads, agricultural extension officers, and local vigilante commanders across seven wards in Jibia LGA. The findings demonstrate that armed groups have transitioned from opportunistic cattle rustling to systematic predatory extraction, enforcing farm-access levies, burning crop silos, and disrupting the Jibia Irrigation Scheme. This systematic predation has induced widespread farm abandonment, escalated rural food insecurity, and disrupted trans-border grain trade between Katsina and the Maradi Region of Niger Republic. The study concludes that sustainable agricultural revival in frontline LGAs necessitates moving beyond reactive kinetic military deployments toward intelligence-led border interdiction, anti-extortion protection corridors, and community-embedded peacebuilding architectures.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/366AN EVALUATION OF THE IMPACT OF INSURGENCY ON VOTER REGISTRATION IN BORNO STATE, NIGERIA (2015–2023)2026-10-19T20:43:42+00:00LT COL USMAN HAMZA ABUBAKAR hamzausman1980@gmail.com<p><em>Voter registration is the foundational gateway to the electoral process, yet it is severely disrupted by persistent insurgent activities in the North-East, particularly in Borno State. This study evaluates the impact of insurgency on voter registration in Borno State, Nigeria, between 2015 and 2023. Anchored on the frustration-aggression theory, the study employs a mixed-methods design combining a survey of 377 respondents with Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) and Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) across six local government areas. The study showed that insurgency significantly suppressed potential voter turnout for registration, destroyed electoral materials and INEC registration centers, and displaced prospective registrants from their natural abode. Findings revealed that fear of attacks by insurgents and mass displacements of potential registrants were the major factors that hindered voter registration in Borno State. Findings further revealed that the Nigerian military secured many locations and facilitated higher voter registration rates across Borno State, yet several prospective voters remained unregistered or unable to collect PVCs especially in some rural communities due to fear of insurgent attacks, displacement, physical and psychological trauma among others. The study concludes that insurgency significantly impacted voter registration in Borno State, leading to exclusion of several prospective voters. The study recommends intensive community-based voter education campaign, integrated civil-military cooperation strategies, mobile and online registration for prospective voters to prevent physical attacks from the insurgents and enhanced security coordination and collaboration through Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security (ICCES) to safeguard voter registration in Borno State.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/367ORGANIZATIONAL POLITICS AND PERFORMANCE OUTCOMES IN MULTICHOICE NIGERIA LIMITED, LAGOS2026-10-19T20:47:27+00:00Emmanuel Olaniyi DUNMADE, PhDdunmade.eo@unilorin.edu.ng<p><em>Organizational politics has become a real concern in modern work places, especially in places that are competitive, where employee performance ends up sort of deciding how successful the organization becomes. In this study, the relationship between organizational politics and performance outcomes was examined in MultiChoice Group, Lagos, Nigeria. Organizational politics was treated in terms of favoritism, biased decision- making, and those ongoing workplace power struggles, while performance outcomes were looked at through employee productivity, organizational efficiency, and job commitment. The whole study was pushed by worries that political behavior, within organizations may slowly weaken fairness, motivation, and the general effectiveness of work systems. A descriptive survey research design was used. Data were gathered from 160 employees, and out of that, 140 valid responses were analyzed with descriptive plus inferential statistics, including correlation, as well as multiple regression analysis, at a 0.05 level of significance. The results showed that favoritism significantly lowers employee productivity. It also indicated that biased decision-making hits organizational efficiency negatively, and that workplace power struggles significantly reduce job commitment. Overall, the study concludes that organizational politics has a significant negative effect on performance outcomes in MultiChoice Group, Lagos, Nigeria. Based on equity theory and social exchange theory, it is recommended that the organization adopt transparent, merit-based human resource practices, along with stronger organizational controls, so political behavior can be reduced and employee performance can improve.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/368EXAMINING THE ADOPTION AND EFFECTIVENESS OF ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE IN PEACE JOURNALISM: A STUDY OF KADUNA STATE MEDIA CORPORATION AND NTA KADUNA2026-10-19T20:50:54+00:00Yusuf Adamuadamu.yusuf@kasu.edu.ngSahabi Dahiru Dokasahabidoka07@gmail.comProf. Hadiza Isa WadaHadiza.wada@kasu.edu.ng<p><em>The incorporation of Artificial Intelligence (AI) into editorial workflows is reshaping journalistic practice across the globe. Yet, empirical documentation of AI deployment in peace journalism within Nigeria remains limited. This study examined the extent and outcomes of AI adoption for peace journalism in Kaduna State Media Corporation (KSMC) and NTA Kaduna between 2022 and 2025. Given Kaduna’s persistent farmer–herder and ethno-religious conflicts, broadcasters face mounting pressures to deliver timely, accurate, and linguistically appropriate peace-oriented content. However, evidence concerning the uptake of AI tools and their contribution to peace reporting is still scarce. Anchored in the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) by Davis (1989), the study adopted a convergent parallel mixed-methods design. The target population of 163 editorial and technical staff generated a sample of 128 respondents selected through stratified and purposive sampling procedures. Data were collected through structured questionnaires, 16 in-depth interviews with purposively selected editorial staff, and content analysis of 60 peace-related broadcasts aired between 2022 and 2025. Quantitative data were processed using SPSS v27 with descriptive statistics, correlation, and regression analyses. Qualitative data were subjected to thematic analysis in NVivo 14. Findings reveal moderate AI adoption, concentrated primarily in transcription and news gathering, with comparatively limited use for personalization and analytics. Perceived usefulness and perceived ease of use significantly predicted adoption intention. AI-assisted content outperformed non-AI content in production speed, language diversity, and audience reach. Key constraints include inadequate training, infrastructural shortfalls, ethical concerns regarding bias, and the absence of an institutional AI policy. The study concludes that AI holds substantial potential for strengthening peace journalism, but that realizing this potential requires sustained structural and capacity investments. Recommendations include the development of ethical guidelines, targeted training interventions, and policy alignment with the Nigerian Broadcasting Code.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/369RISE AND FRAGMENTATION OF KWANKWASIYYA: EXAMINING THE DYNAMICS OF POLITICAL MENTORSHIP AND SUCCESSION IN KANO STATE, NIGERIA (2011-2023)2026-10-19T20:56:44+00:00Nura Abbas Hamidnahamid.pol@buk.edu.ng<p><em>This paper examines the rise, consolidation, and subsequent internal friction within the Kwankwasiyya political movement in Kano State, Nigeria, focusing on the dynamic relationship between political mentorship and succession politics. Originating under the leadership of former Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the Kwankwasiyya movement evolved from a localized patron-client network into a dominant political platform characterized by populism, institutionalized loyalty, and welfare-oriented policies. Drawing on political patronage theory, prebendalism, and elite consolidation models, the study analyzes how the movement successfully mobilized grassroots support while structured around personalist leadership. However, as mentored protégés assumed executive power, most notably during political transitions, the inherent tensions between godfatherism and gubernatorial autonomy triggered internal fractures, elite defections, and factional realignments. Utilizing a qualitative research design based on primary key-informant interviews and secondary political documentation, the study demonstrates that while political mentorship in Kano facilitated power projection and succession, the failure to institutionalize power-sharing mechanisms rendered the movement vulnerable to structural fragmentation. The findings reveals that the Kwankwasiyya movement initially succeeded by blending populist public policy with a tightly disciplined, personalist patronage structure. However, as revealed by interviews with party insiders, this populist appeal masked a strictly hierarchical power structure, which simultaneously prevented the growth of internal democratic mechanisms for conflict resolution. The paper recommends that political parties must move away from personalist, candidate-imposition frameworks toward transparent, institutionalized nomination processes and the need to reduce hyper-centralization of state resources that makes the governorship a zero-sum prebendal prize.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/370STATE VULNERABILITY AND THE ESCALATION OF THE LAKUWA THREAT IN NIGERIA2026-10-19T21:00:38+00:00Sanusi Sama’ila Moyismoydeen@yahoo.com<p><em>This paper analyzes the rapid rise of Lakurawa, a terrorist group that emerged in the early 2000s in Kebbi and Sokoto States and has since evolved into a dangerous transnational threat across Northwestern and North-Central Nigeria. Drawing on a qualitative analysis of security reports, military updates, and academic literature, the study mapped out the group's expansion and operational strategies. The findings revealed that Lakurawa capitalized on weak border security, poor local intelligence, and the political instability of the 2023 Niger Republic coup for its territorial expansion. These vulnerabilities allowed the group to transform from a localized militia into a sophisticated network spanning at least seven Nigerian states, including Zamfara, Niger, Kaduna, Kogi, and Kwara. Rather than relying solely on violence, Lakurawa functions as a shadow government: it enforces strict socio-religious rules, extracts forced taxes, and deploys "soft conquests" by purchasing local land at inflated prices. The group’s recruitment thrives on porous borders, weak state presence, and the economic desperation of rural youth. To counter this threat, the paper recommends shifting from a reactive defence to a proactive strategy. Key proposals include deploying agile, forest-ready military units, launching drone surveillance along border corridors, and making substantial investments in mechanized agriculture to offer rural youth viable economic alternatives to insurgency.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/371THE CLASS SOCIETY: A DANGEROUS TREND IN TODAY'S NIGERIA2026-10-19T21:04:40+00:00Sanusi Sama’ila Moyismoydeen@yahoo.com<p><em>This article examines the emergence of a deeply stratified "class society" in Nigeria, where the systematic withdrawal of the elite from public institutions- education, healthcare, and infrastructure has dismantled the concept of a shared national community. Through a qualitative desk-based review of scholarly literature, international organization reports, and contemporary media accounts; the study analyzes the manifestations and consequences of this institutionalized segregation. The findings reveal a dangerous multi-sectoral divide. In education, Nigeria allocates only 7.3 percent of its budget (far below UNESCO's 15-20 percent benchmark), creating an "educational apartheid" where privilege determines opportunity. In healthcare, over 20,966 health workers have left the country within one year, and Nigerians spend $1-2 billion annually on medical tourism while public facilities remain in disrepair. The elite's symbolic retreat, exemplified by politicians travelling abroad for children's graduation ceremonies, reinforces spatial segregation and signals that success is tied to escaping Nigeria. The cumulative consequences include eroded social cohesion, declining trust in governance, and normalization of a two-tier citizenship where over 85 percent of Nigerians function within a broken public system. Recommendations include radical budgetary reallocation, legislation banning official foreign medical trips, mandatory public service contributions from private institutions, and revitalization of common-ground infrastructure. The study concludes that Nigeria's stability depends on closing the widening gap between rich and poor through deliberate policy interventions ensuring quality services are accessible to all citizens regardless of income.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/372EXAMINING THE EVOLUTION AND CHALLENGES OF SHARIA LAW IMPLEMENTATION IN KATSINA STATE, NIGERIA: A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYSIS (2000-2025)2026-10-19T21:09:32+00:00Abubakar Lawalabuhumairah03@gmail.comSuleiman Umar Manisumani@fudutsinma.edu.ngKabir Attahiruakabir21@fudutsinma.edu.ng<p style="text-align: justify;"><em><span lang="EN-US">This study investigates the evolution, challenges, and prospects of Shari’ah law implementation in Katsina State, Nigeria, from 2000 to 2025. It examines the persistent institutional, legal, political, and administrative challenges affecting implementation and assesses its evolving prospects within Nigeria’s plural legal framework. The study adopts Van Meter and Van Horn’s policy implementation theory as its explanatory framework. A survey research design was employed, with data collected through an expert-validated structured questionnaire that yielded a reliability coefficient of 0.88. Frequency counts and percentages were used for data analysis. The findings indicate that Shari’ah implementation in Katsina State has been significantly hindered by inadequate funding, political interference, corruption, shortage of trained personnel, constitutional conflicts, poor judicial infrastructure, and concerns over international scrutiny. Despite these challenges, respondents expressed strong confidence in its prospects, particularly its capacity to promote moral discipline, reduce social vices, enhance justice delivery, and foster peaceful coexistence when supported by effective governance and institutional strengthening. The study concludes that although Shari’ah implementation faces persistent structural and legal obstacles, its sustainability remains attainable through targeted reforms and integrative governance approaches. It recommends stronger institutional funding, professional training, improved inter-agency coordination, public enlightenment, and sustained government support to enhance effective implementation.</span></em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/373GOVERNMENT RESETTLEMENT PROGRAMME AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC SUSTAINABILITY OF DISPLACED BAKASSI INDIGENES2026-10-19T21:16:17+00:00Achubie Chinedu Remigiusremmnez@gmail.comNwaneri Ikechukwu Stanleystanleynwaneri@yahoo.comOgbuehi Ngozi Carolinengozioguehi2017@gmail.com<p><em>Following the International Court of Justice judgment on Bakassi Peninsula, Nigeria withdrew its military and citizens from the disputed enclave. While avoiding interstate conflict, the existential imperatives of the displaced Bakassi indigenes were not adequately accommodated. The study aims to review the government resettlement programme in the post International Court of Justice (ICJ) judgment, and its effect on the socio-economic sustainability of the displaced Bakassi people. The research adopted the </em><em>diffusion theory of resettlement</em><em> and the Chambers Participatory Development Model (CPDM) to explain the contesting issues regarding IDPs and complexity of resettlement. The qualitative research method involving semi-structured interview employed, and thematic inductive analysis was used to generate primary evidences. Also, the content analysis approach was used in the analysis of secondary data. Findings suggest that the government resettlement programme did align with extant local and international principles governing the resettlement of IDPs. And that the government resettlement programme was ineffective in addressing the socioeconomic sustainability question of the people. Also, that there is no evidence to suggest that the displaced Bakassi indigenes fully participated in their plight of adequate resettlement. The study argues that, resulting from poor implementation process, the people continue to suffer several years of displacement from their ancestral homes. Therefore, the study recommends a reworking of the resettlement programme to ensure that the human security, equity and social justice form the bedrock of the resettlement. </em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/375AN EXPLORATION OF THE UNDP’S ROLE IN HUMANITARIAN CRISIS IN NIGERIA: A STUDY OF KONTAGORA IN NIGER STATE (2020-2025)2026-10-19T21:22:35+00:00Suleiman Mohammed Evutismevuti@ibbu.edu.ng<p><em>This study examines the role of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in the management of humanitarian crises in Nigeria, with specific focus on Kontagora in Niger State. Nigeria has faced persistent humanitarian challenges arising from insecurity, natural disasters, poverty, and forced displacement, which have strained local governance structures and community resilience. As an international development agency, UNDP has played a significant role in complementing government and non-governmental efforts through interventions in crisis response, capacity building, and sustainable recovery initiatives. Using a qualitative approach, the research critically appraises UNDP’s strategies, programmes, and partnerships in addressing the humanitarian needs of vulnerable populations in Kontagora. It explores the extent to which UNDP interventions have enhanced livelihood restoration, peacebuilding, and socio-economic recovery in affected communities. The study also highlights the limitations encountered, including funding gaps, security constraints, and weak institutional collaboration. The research finds among other things that some UNDP-supported interventions helped affected households restore livelihoods, develop income-generating activities, acquire vocational skills, or improve their capacity to cope with the effects of insecurity. The study may establish that interventions involving traditional leaders, community organizations, local government institutions, youth, women, and other community stakeholders were more likely to be accepted and sustained. The study may identify inadequate coordination between UNDP, government agencies, NGOs, community organizations, and other development partners as a factor limiting the effectiveness and sustainability of humanitarian interventions. The research also recommends that </em><em>UNDP should strengthen and expand interventions in highly affected communities within Kontagora, particularly programmes addressing livelihood recovery, food security, skills development, community stabilization, and resilience building. UNDP and its partners should adopt an integrated approach that connects immediate humanitarian assistance with long-term development and peacebuilding. This would reduce dependence on emergency assistance and help affected communities become more self-reliant.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)https://zjpd.com.ng/index.php/zjpd/article/view/376INSECURITY, CONFLICT AND NATIONAL STABILITY: EFFECT OF UNGOVERNED SPACES ON SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN NORTHWEST NIGERIA2026-10-19T21:26:17+00:00Abdulkadir Inuwa Abdulkadir, PhDinuwa.abdukadir@maaun.edu.ngAbdulsalam AbubakarAbdulsalam.abubakar@babaahmeduniversity.edu.ng<p><em>The persistence of ungoverned spaces as a structural governance failure has attracted growing scholarly attention globally, yet its specific manifestation in Nigeria's Northwest geopolitical zone and its cascading consequences for socio-economic development remain inadequately examined in the literature. Spanning seven states, namely Zamfara, Kaduna, Katsina, Sokoto, Kebbi, Kano, and Jigawa, the Northwest zone has emerged as the epicentre of a protracted security emergency characterised by armed banditry, mass displacement, agricultural collapse, and the systematic withdrawal of investment, all traceable to deepening governance vacuums across the region's vast ungoverned territories. This paper examines the nexus between ungoverned spaces, armed banditry, and socio-economic underdevelopment in Nigeria's Northwest, drawing on state fragility theory and relative deprivation theory as complementary analytical frameworks and employing a qualitative systematic review methodology with thematic content analysis of secondary data. The study interrogates how governance vacuums have enabled the proliferation of non-state armed groups whose activities have devastated agricultural productivity, education, healthcare, foreign direct investment, and livelihoods in the region. Empirical evidence reveals that bandit attacks escalated from 124 incidents in 2018 to 1,031 in 2022, resulting in 13,485 documented deaths and the displacement of over 1.08 million persons by December 2022. Agricultural income per hectare in Zamfara declined by approximately 57% relative to pre-conflict levels, while states such as Kebbi, Zamfara, and Jigawa attracted zero capital importation between 2019 and 2023. The paper argues that addressing the insecurity and underdevelopment nexus requires a comprehensive and integrated strategy that combines governance reconstruction, socio-economic empowerment, and community-centred security architecture. Evidence-based policy recommendations anchored in international development frameworks and context-specific interventions are advanced.</em></p>2026-09-21T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2026 Author(s)